To Bow or Not to Bow? (An Essay on Daniel 3)
The first instrument was a kind of lyre. As to the specific Greek word which was borrowed, Coxon observes that its spelling indicates that the loan was adopted in the pre-Hellenistic period:
The fact that the Ionic form kitharis found its way into the list in Dan. 3 and not the Attic kithara is a striking one, especially in view of the consistent use of kithara in Greek material of the post-Alexander period. Heirs of Attic literary tradition, the Septuagint, the New Testament and patristic sources alike know only kithara. One might suppose that the kitharis-form stems from Asia Minor and/or the Greek islands and that it was absorbed by Official Aramaic as a result of cultural and linguistic contacts at a period much earlier than the second century B.C. [ibid., p. 31]
Though the Greek psalterion was a harplike instrument, Sendry [Alfred Sendry, Music in Ancient Israel, p. 297] suggests that Daniel’s pesanterîn was more akin to a dulcimer. He further suggests that it had been one of a number of musical instruments originally imported from the east, improved by the Greeks, and re-exported to the east.
It is altogether surprising that the Anchor Bible commentary reverts to the discredited view of sumponeyâ as a “bagpipe” in the light of clear evidence that this was a very late sense of the word. The earliest meaning of the Greek word sumphonia was “sounding together,” that is, the simultaneous playing of instruments or voices producing a concord. Jerome, commenting on Luke 15:25 where the word occurs, noted: “The sumphonia is not a kind of instrument, as some Latin writers think, but it means concordant harmony. It is expressed in Latin by consonantia.” Coxon concludes as follows [p. 36]:
We have tried to show that the use of sumphonia in Dan. 3 accords with its older meaning and not, as in the later classical sources, with an individual musical instrument. But since the traditional meaning of “harmony, concord of sound” is also found late (Polybius, Athenaeus, etc.) the classical evidence in so far as it affects Dan. 3 may be pronounced neutral.
Rowley in his review of Kitchen’s work still maintained that the evidence of these particular Greek words was proof of the late date of Daniel’s Aramaic. Kutscher’s appraisal of this argument is worth quoting at length [E. Y. Kutscher, “Aramaic,” Current Trends in Linguistics VI, ed. T. A. Sebeck, pp. 401-402].
Rowley’s argument that the Greek loans ψαλτήριον and συμφωνία as names for musical instruments occur in Greek several hundred years after the suggested date of Daniel also does not sound convincing. After all, if we assume Greek influence prior to Alexander, it is not the Attic dialect, or other dialects of Greece, that must be taken into consideration as the place of origin of these loans, but rather dialects of Asia Minor and/or those of the Greek isles. What do we know about the Greek of Asia Minor and of the Greek isles during the period in question? To the best of my knowledge, very little . . . .
The fact that the field of music is the only one where Greek influence has come to light, calls to mind Otto Jespersen’s words . . . : “If all other sources of information were closed to us except such loan-words in our . . . North-European languages as piano, soprano, opera, libretto, tempo, adagio, etc., we should still have no hesitation in drawing the conclusion that Italian music has played a great role all over Europe.” . . . Greek musicians might have been dominant enough to make their impact felt in those (Near Eastern) languages, as the Italian musicians did in English.
As this writer has shown elsewhere [Yamauchi, Greece and Babylon, pp. 19-24; and “The Greek Words in Daniel in the Light of Greek Influence in the Near East,” in New Perspectives on the Old Testament, ed. J. Barton Payne, pp. 176-77], the exchange of musicians and their musical instruments played a prominent role at royal courts from time immemorial.
Two final points on the Greek loan words: (1) Montgomery himself recognized that the late-date argument was not airtight: “The rebuttal of this evidence for a late date lies in stressing the potentialities of Greek influence in the Orient from the sixth century and onward” (p. 22). And Yamauchi has provided just such evidence. (2) In his classic work, Greece and Babylon, Yamauchi concluded this portion of his study with the comment, “The only element of surprise to this writer is that there are not more Greek words in such documents” (p. 94). Thus, the earlier date of Daniel seems to withstand the most rigorous test put forth. Indeed, it not only stands the test, but the fact that these Greek loan words can all be seen to antedate the Attic dialectal influence seems to indicate that the Greek of Daniel may well be quite early.
3:6 In v 6 we read of the decreed punishment to be doled out on the one who does not fall down and worship the image: a fiery furnace! Baldwin points out concerning this furnace (Joyce Baldwin, Daniel, 103, n. 3):
t is difficult to envisage what the furnace is likely to have looked like, for, despite excavations, proper drawings and dimensions are rarely available. There is, however, a significant diagram in R. J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology, VI, 1958, p. 67, representing an ancient Mesopotamian pottery-kiln of Nippur, c. 2000 BC. It resembles a railway tunnel blocked at one end but with an entrance at the other. Uprights at frequent intervals support the dome and serve as ventilation shafts also. Charcoal provides the heat, and it is estimated that the temperature would have been 900o–1000o C. the suggestion that the furnace was an open surface pool of gas or oil set alight, such as may be seen today in the Near East, e.g. at Kirkuk, does not satisfy the requirements of the text.
One final note on 3:1-7: As preposterous as it may seem that Nebuchadnezzar would set up this image for political reasons, in light of the probability that, in chapter 2, the value of each portion of the statue was due to its correspondence to an absolute sovereign monarchy, we can certainly see this as very likely. Such an event occurred in the twentieth century, which might afford a nice analogy (Baldwin, 99, n. 1):
In the recent history of Ghana the President allowed a slightly more than life-size statue of himself to be erected in front of Parliament House, Accra. He ‘could tolerate no disunity in Ghana, which he shaped into a monolithic republic under the complete control of his party and dominated by his own personality as President (1960)’ (J. D. Fage, A Short History of Africa . . . pp. 251ff.). An inscription on the side bore the words, ‘Seek ye first the political kingdom and all other things shall be added unto you.’ The statue was religiously controversial from the beginning and was destroyed after the bloodless coup of 1966.
Act II: The Courage of Daniel’s Three Friends (3:8-18)
Probably the first thing that strikes us about this paragraph is that Daniel is not mentioned. The Chaldeans brought charges against the Jews, but Daniel is not among them. As we concluded earlier, following Shea, it is likely that Daniel was out of the capital at the time of this convocation. Indeed, it is possible that Nebuchadnezzar had intentionally sent him away because he knew that Daniel would see the implications of such an act and might call on YHWH to deal swiftly with this king. But the suggestion by Walvoord (though he does not prefer this view) that Daniel did not have scruples about bowing down before this image is unsatisfactory because (1) he, too, would see that the political act had religious ramifications; (2) his name was not present at the ceremony, and (3) it seems rather doubtful that Daniel would devote an entire chapter to the bravery of his companions if he did not share their convictions.
The Accusation of the Chaldeans (3:8-12)
3:8 In v 8 we read that the Chaldeans ‘brought charges’ against, or ‘maliciously slandered’ the Jews. Such is a weak rendering of the Aramaic word קרציהונ (qarseyhôn). Literally it means “eat the pieces of flesh torn off from someone’s body” (Koehler-Baumgartner, p. 1121). Obviously, the literal rendering is too strong here, but Daniel seems to have chosen it to indicate the strong animosity of the Chaldeans for the Jews. One could wonder if this were intended to be some sort of proleptic pun, for the punishment the Jews faced was that they were to be barbecued!
3:12 In v 12 we notice that the charge of the Chaldeans was that these Jews “do not serve your gods or worship the golden image.” This text tends to confirm both that the image is a political matter more than religious and that it is a statue of Nebuchadnezzar because (1) there is a distinction between the gods and the statue (note that two different verbs are used and that if the charge were that they were not worshipping this statue as a god, the accusation would probably have put ‘gods’ in the singular, thus equating the two--”they do not serve your god, i.e., they do not worship the golden image”), and (2) the second verb (סגדינ) is really a softer term (in spite of the translation of the NASB), for it can be used of non-deity (cf. Dan 2:46 where Nebuchadnezzar ‘does homage’ to Daniel). Finally, we might add that the reason the Chaldeans bring up the matter of worshiping the gods is not due to anything transparent in the text. But on our reconstruction of the setting, it seems most plausible that the reason the gods are mentioned is that Nebuchadnezzar felt that his gods had overcome YHWH in that they were able to thwart his will as seen in the prophecy of chapter 2. Thus, anyone who did not acknowledge that the gods had blessed Nebuchadnezzar was affirming that Daniel’s prophecy might still come true.
(It may be significant that neither Daniel nor his friends ever say to Nebuchadnezzar, “O king, live forever!” because such might sound like a denial of the prophetic fulfillment. Daniel does, of course, say this to Darius [6:21], but it seems that this is an appropriate response of wish [in both places the verb is a pe’al imperative from חיה, which has the force of a wish, both in Aramaic and in Hebrew (see Alger Johns, A Short Grammar of Biblical Aramaic, p. 25; and GKC, pp. 321-24)]. In 3:9 the Chaldeans see this as an obtainable wish, while in 6:21 Daniel is certainly being courteous, but the force of the imperative is probably, “If only you could!”)
The Response of the Jews (3:13-18)
3:15 In v 15 Nebuchadnezzar seems to be making a direct challenge to YHWH to deliver the three Jews out of his hands. Such a bold statement about his own sovereignty strongly suggests that he had believed himself to be greater than even YHWH (“what god is there who can deliver you out of my hands?”). Of course, this statement is in line with our hypothesis about the nature and purpose of the image and Daniel’s recording of these events. (Incidentally, Nebuchadnezzar’s confession that only One is sovereign in chapter 4 again seems to be connected with the events of chapter 3--Daniel is clearly demonstrating the cause-and-effect relationship of the boasting of one who claims to be greater than YHWH and how he is reduced, not only to less than a god, but to less than a man!)
3:16-18 In vv 16-18 we see the proper response to a crisis by these three faithful men. They reiterate their faith in YHWH, claiming his ability to deliver them from Nebuchadnezzar, though denying a knowledge of his will. Such, of course, is the attitude all believers should have about personal crises. We simply do not know if God will heal a certain person or bring someone to salvation. But we do know that he is able! By way of contrast, in chapter 2, Daniel claimed to be able to interpret the dream even before YHWH had given him the interpretation. Although on the surface it seems that the faith of Daniel’s friends was not as great as his, it is more likely that Daniel is both highlighting their faith (and faithfulness) in this chapter and affirming that his prophetic gifts were greater than those of his friends. It is significant, then, that Daniel does not portray all faithful believers as having the same supernatural gifts. Such gifts are restricted to a few, though the lack of such gifts should not be seen as a lack in one’s relationship to the Lord. These principles are repeated in the New Testament (cf. especially 1 Cor 13:1-3), and help to give an answer to those Christians who would question the quality of one’s faith if it lacks the supernatural luster of someone else’s faith.
Act III: The Miraculous Deliverance (3:19-27)
The Fire of the King’s Wrath (3:19-23)
3:19 In v 19 we again see evidence of a sixth century BCE date for Daniel. As Baldwin has pointed out (p. 105):
The standard English translations of the various garments named conjure up the picture of three Elizabethan courtiers. Incongruous as this is, the ancient translators were equally puzzled, as the variety of interpretations proves. This points to some long lapse of time between the date of the original, from which the translators were working, and their own day.
In a footnote to this paragraph, she adds the inadvertent conclusion of Montgomery: “Since for each of these three terms every category of gear for head, body and legs has been adduced . . . , the possible permutations are many” (p. 211). The fact that even today we are confused about the garments mentioned here adds something of an O’Henry twist to the date debate: If we ourselves cannot determine with certainty the meaning of certain Aramaic words, how are we able to determine with certainty the date of this book from linguistic considerations?
3:23 One final note of an analytical nature on chapter 3: In v 23 the LXX adds the prayer of Azariah and the song of the three youths. Such an apocryphal addition is certainly not a part of the original text, for, in the words of Baldwin, “Evidence from Qumran has shown conclusively that these additions were not part of the original” (p. 106). Now, the earlier such material was added to Daniel, the more we would expect it to have gotten into various MSS. But if the LXX was translated within 100 years of the writing of Daniel (as late-daters claim), then why didn’t such a story make it into the Qumran MSS? The Qumran MSS apparently go back to a Vorlage behind the time when the LXX was done. In a late-date scheme, the gaps keep on shrinking, eventually getting to the point of being highly improbable reconstructions. The evidence is more easily reconcilable with a 6th century BCE date for Daniel which circulated and was transmitted without the prayer of Azariah for several centuries.
Deliverance through the Seven-Fold Tribulation (3:24-27)
No specific comments. Read the text!
Epilogue: The Acknowledgment by the King of the Most High God (3:28-30)
Chapter 3 concludes much as chapter 2 did: Nebuchadnezzar is again brought to his senses (but still not permanently) and recognizes that YHWH is the sovereign of the universe. He blesses the God of Israel and pronounces a curse on anyone who does not recognize this ‘Most High God’ (a phrase which is possibly still indicative of polytheism for Nebuchadnezzar). The curse is the same one declared against his magicians in 2:5 if they did not reveal his dream: “they shall be torn limb to limb and their houses shall be reduced to a dung hill.” By way of application, I suppose we need to be cautioned that this kind of altar call is usually only effective if one is an absolute monarch!
1 Or gold-plated, as we will see later. The point here is that he does not mix other elements with the gold, such as silver or iron.